The Journey of Irom Sharmilaand Meira Paibee Movement
THE JOURNEY OF IROM SHARMILA AND MEIRA PAIBEE MOVEMENT
Introduction
“Is
Armed Forces Special Powers Act really an Act? How could one human oppress
another in this manner and how could you call it justice through law.”[1]
- Irom Sharmila
There is an unknown
saying that Protest beyond the law is not a departure from democracy but it is essential
to it. The public protests betoken that democracy is still alive and active in
the world. The forms of protests may differ yet they give space to people to
raise their voices against the government to achieve their goals for which they
struggle. From 1950, onwards until now India tries its best to exhibit that it
is the largest democratic country in the world, but in reality, “it has
systematically decimated such space for the masses.”[2]
Today the Indian government has reduced this space. Indian government instead
of solving people’s demands for which they protest it shows interest in taking
offensive actions against them and the strangulation of their spirit behind
their protests by criminalizing them with charges as though they are against
the unity of Indian nation and named them as naxals, militants, and terrorist.
The examples are many such as Udayakumar and his people’s movement against
nuclear power plant, Irom Sharmila and her movement against the Armed Forces
Special Powers Act passed in 1958 by the government of India. This chapter
zeros in on the struggles and life history of the iron woman Irom Sharmila and
the contribution of Meira Paibee Movement against the Indian government to
repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 from Manipur and Northeastern
states in India with its historical background. The primary focus of this
chapter would be the violation of human rights by the Armed Forces Special
Powers Act, 1958 in Manipur.
1 Historical Background of Manipur
The armed conflict between
Indian state and armed groups in Manipur is a long issue. Indian government
views the conflict as internal disturbances that necessitate the large-scale
deployment of armed forces as well as the central paramilitary police forces in
the form of Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 to curb the lives of people
in Manipur. It would be better if we know the historical background behind the
Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958. Manipur
consists of fertile alluvial valleys from north to south that is encircled on
all sides by hill ranges forming a part of the eastern Himalayas. It
constitutes only about 12% of the total geographical area of Indian nation. The
valley is inhabited by more than 75% of the total population of 2.6 million.[3]
According to Kham khan Suan, a scholar, Manipur consists of three major ethnic
groups, namely the Meitei, the Naga, and the Zo (it is also known as Kuki, Chin
or Mizo).[4]
The Meitei people who comprise of 70% of Manipur population are politically
predominant in Manipur even though they occupy only just 10% of the area, the
central plain. The Naga and the Zo tribes, who are politically marginalized,
occupy the remaining hill ranges. The Meiteis mostly thrive on cultivation
whereas the Naga, the Zo and the hill tribes rely on the slash-and-burn
cultivation and valleys for their basic needs.[5]
Manipuris are
ethnically and culturally distinct from the people of main land in India. They
are more akin to the peoples in South East Asia. The British conquered Manipur
through its trade policies in 1891 after overcoming stiff resistance.[6]
In the 1917, the people from the Kuki tribe armed against the colonial power.
When the colonial British government waged its war on people’s economy a
spontaneous uprising protests by women against the exploitative colonial economic
policies took place in 1939.[7]
Manipur regained its
independence from the colonial British rule in August 1947. Manipur was made as
the monarchical state under the Manipur State Constitution Act, 1947, followed
by the election was conducted in 1948.[8]
Nevertheless, the Maharaja of Manipur namely Bodth Chandra was forced to sign
the controversial Manipur Merger Agreement with India in on Oct 15th,
1949.[9] Due to the result of Manipur Merger Agreement
Treaty the elected assembly was dissolved. The direct rule from Delhi disbanded
the council of ministers. Thus, Manipur became a union territory of India in
1956 and Indian state in 1972.[10]
Many civilians opposed the act of Indian government and protested against it
through varies forms including armed forces. To safeguard its territory the
government of India declared it as the disturbed areas with the implementation
of Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958. This act resulted in the violation of
human rights. In 1966, the Mizo National Front’s (MNF) armed movement for
independence declared independence from the Indian state.[11]
It was for the time the Indian Air Force bombed in Aizwal. It was the only
instance in which air power was used to quell internal rebellion in independent
Indian history.
1.2 The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958
An underground movement for
independence began in 1964 with the founding of the United National Liberation
Front (UNLF). Other outfits followed in the late-1970s such as:
1. Revolutionary Peoples Front and its armed wing
Peoples Liberation Army (PLA)
2. People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak
(PREPAK)
3. Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP)
4. Later on the Kanglei Yaol Kanna Lup (KYKL).
5. In the hills, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland
(Isak-Muivah),
6. National Socialist Council of
Nagaland (Khaplang)
7. Kuki outfits like Kuki National
Organisation and its armed wing Kuki National Army (KNA)
8. Kuki National Front (KNF),
9. Kuki Revolutionary Army (KRA), Kuki
Liberation Organisation and its armed wing Kuki Liberation Army (KLA).[12]
The tremors of the movement for independence in Nagaland
also reached the Naga-inhabited districts of Senapati and Ukhrul in Manipur. As
the state forces failed to contain the movement, the army was called in. To
facilitate army operations, a legal framework was introduced in the shape of
the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The Act is a direct
descendant of the Armed Forces Special Powers Ordinance 1942 that the British
rulers promulgated to suppress the Indian freedom struggle.[13] However, the present Act is much
more draconian but is applicable only in distinct geographical regions. After
modifications, the 1958 ordinance became harsher than the colonial ordinance of
1942.[14] The Armed Forces
Special Powers Act was passed in 1958 by the Government of India and made
active in Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, and
Tripura that were declared as ‘disturbed areas.’ In 1990, the act was extended
to Jammu and Kashmir. In the beginning, some parts of Manipur were declared ‘disturbed areas’ under the
Act. The whole of Manipur was declared a ‘disturbed area’ under the Act in
1980.
1.2.1
The Special Features of the Armed Forces of Special Powers Act
1. To fire upon or use other kinds of
forces, even if it causes death against a person suspected to be acting against
law or order of the Indian government.
2. To destroy any arms dump, fortified
position or shelter or training camp from, which armed attacks are made by
gangs or absconders wanted for any offence.
3. To arrest without a warrant anyone
who has committed a cognizable offence or is suspected of having done so.
4. To enter and search any premises in
order to make such an arrest.
5. To stop and search any vehicle or
vessel suspected to carrying such a person or weapons.
6. Under the Armed Forces
Special Powers Act, no officer can be prosecuted for his actions without the
sanction of the central government. Nor is the government’s judgment on why an
area is found to be disturbed subject to judicial review.[15]
1.2.2
The Different Armed Forces in the State of Manipur
1.
Strength of Manipur Rifles (MR) and India Reserve Battalions
(IRB): 10,396 personnel (6 battalions each)
2.
Strength of various civil police units: 5,056 personnel
3.
Strength of Central Paramilitary Forces (CRPF and BSF): 10, 450
personnel
4.
Strength of Army/Assam Rifles: 10 battalions and 26 battalions
respectively
5.
Strength of Home Guards: 2,312 personnel
1.3
Human Rights Violations
With the continuation of the Act,
the cycle of violence has grown in geographical spread and in intensity.
Enforced disappearances, arbitrary executions, torture, rape & molestation,
housebreaking, looting, arbitrary detention etc have become a part of everyday
life in Manipur. Yet, few violators of human rights are brought to justice. For
all practical purposes, the armed forces enjoy complete immunity under the
Act.
Many were killed in fake
encounter – as killings of innocents who perished either in custody or
otherwise, but without legal sanction. Due to fake encounters in the state
people lost their husbands/fathers/sons/sole breadwinners and employment
opportunities to them. From 1992 to 2001, more than 3006 people were killed
under the AFSPA.[16] Each of these allegations should
be transparently investigated and the guilty punished. Further, there have been
charges of using preventive detention laws to curb citizens’ democratic rights
to protest and freely express their views. The high degree and frequency of
violation of human rights in the state is also cause for alarm. Restoration of
peace and order must go hand in hand with the promotion of the rule of law and
justice for the sustenance of democracy.
An international human rights agency
in 2008 documented the failure of justice in Manipur under the AFSPA. The
agency noted, “Security forces are bypassing the law and killing people on
suspicion that they are militants instead of bringing them before a judge. In
the name of national security and armed forces morale, the state protects
abusers and leaves Manipuris with no remedy to secure justice.”[17] On March 31, 2012, the
United Nations asked India to revoke The Armed Forces
Special Powers Act, saying that it had no place in Indian democracy. There is a
woman, namely Irom Sharmila began her hunger strike in the year 2000 against
the government of India to repeal the act. She used her body as her weapon and
the traditional satyagraha form as her method of her protest. Due to fast, her
health became ill. Her menstrual cycles have stooped. Yet she is resolute. What
makes her protest unusual is that, rather than being an intellectual construct,
it is a deep human response to death violence around her.
1.4
Iron Woman, Irom Sharmila
“Until and unless they remove
AFSPA, I shall never stop fasting…God gives me courage, unlimited courage-that
is why I am still alive through these artificial means…That very happy day will
come one day but for the time being I must be content, I must be patient.”[18]
These words are from a woman in Manipur who constantly has remained steadfast
in her determination not to eat or drink anything from the year 2000 against
the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. She is none other than Irom sharmils. Irom
Sharmila was born in March 1972. She is known as Iron Lady of Manipur. She is
also called as Mengobui (the fair one).[19]
She has different faces such as civil right activist, political activist and a
poet. When Justice H. Suresh, the head of Independent People’s Inquiry
Commission sent by Human Rights Alert, Legal fraternity, Human Rights
organizations and NGO’s inquired the violation of human rights by the military
forces under the AFSPA, 1958 she volunteered herself to be part of the
commission from the side of people.
She worked as a translator for
advocates. Though she had completed only 12th standard she could
record the miseries of people in details. While she was translating the gang
rape case of Mercy M. Kabui to the advocate, Preeti verma she was emotionally
pestered by Mercy’s account of being raped in the sanctuary of her own house in
front of her family members by two army personnel. Mercy M. Kabui narrated her
pains with tears in the following words, “I have constant pains in my private
parts. When I urinate, I used to check my private parts and the pain coming
from there. I find blood in my private parts.”[20]
The confession of Mercy highly disturbed her consciousness. She collected the
violent acts done by AFSPA, 1958 in details. To condemn the acts of army
personnel under the AFSPA, 1958 in Manipur, along with various human rights
organizations, she arranged a peace rally. While she was preparing for a peace
rally, she received shocking news of 10 innocent people who were waiting at bus
stop in Malom, a city in Imphal, killed by the Assam Rifles, one of the Indian
paramilitary forces operating in the state under the AFSPA, 1958, to take
revenge for the act of attacking the Assam Rifle force. It is known ‘Malom
Massacre.’ Among them were 60 years old woman Leisangbam Ibetomi and 17 years
old Sinam Chandramani who was national child bravery award winner (1988).
She reflected for a long in
isolation that hosting a peace rally would not solve any problem. “There
was no other means to stop further violations by the armed forces against
innocent people. I thought that peace rally and inquiry commissions would be
meaningless unless I do something to change the situation.” Therefore, she
decided to take a radical action. As she used to practice fast on every
Thursday as religious ritual to renew her spiritual being she made use of fast
as powerful weapon to start a non-violent peaceful hunger strike to extract
AFSPA, 1958 from Manipur and North-Eastern states, on 4 November, 2000. Irom
Sharmila says, “My mind is very strong. Once I set my mind on something, I
pursue it single-mindedly. I just see the goal and induce myself to have
positive thoughts.”[21] She had her last meal with her two
friends in the past 14 years. Before her fast, she received blessings from her
mother and her family members. On 5 November 2000,
Sharmila started her hunger strike from the Malom site. She was only 28 years
old. Her only demand is to repeal Armed Forces Special Power Act 1958 (AFSPA).
1.4.1 Her Early life
Irom Sharmila Chanu is the ninth
child of Late Irom Nanda Singh and Irom Sakhi Devi. Her father was a grade 4
veterinary worker and her mother ran a temporary store. After nine children,
Sakhi Devi was dry, when Sharmila would be hungry, and wail for milk, Singhjit,
her elder brother would take her to nearby nursing mothers. In lieu of the
milk, Singhjit would do odd jobs in their houses. Singhijit says, “Sharmila has had milk from many mothers she
is now returning their dues by fighting for their rights.”[22] Since
many women fed her, she grew up by great values. As Sharmila grew up her behavior was not like an ordinary
girl, she did not like dressing up, she did not wear any jewelry neither did
she use any cosmetics. She sought spiritual answers and religiously read the
Bhagwad Gita. She practiced yoga and started learning nature cure and
stenography. Sharmila was a quiet, solitary girl with few selected friends. She
studied till Grade 12 but never appeared for her exam as she felt she was
equipped with the knowledge of reading and writing.
After her father’s demise, she was
endowed with grief and this led her to work for social causes. An independent
spirit she would ride her bi-cycle to take part in different development
workshops. Sharmila wrote articles for Huyien
Lanpao, a local vernacular newspaper, she also wrote poems in Manipuri
Metie dialect.[23] Her articles were mostly poetic
jottings, and her inner thoughts. She had produced two remarkable poetic
anthologies namely “The Fragrance of Peace and Birth.” She constantly worried
about the increasing violence in Manipur especially the atrocities against
women. This led her to volunteer for human rights “Independent People Inquiry
Commission” led by Justice Suresh in October 2000, least did she know this would
be a turning point in her life.
1.4.2
The Constant Struggle
She was
arrested by the police with the accusation of attempting to commit suicide
under the Indian Penal Code on the third day of her fast. Manipur police transferred
her case to judicial custody. Her health worsened swiftly. In order to keep her
alive the government had taken her hospital where a naso-gastric
intubation was
enforced on her nose. Now it has become a part of her body. She is kept til now
at Nehru hospital under arrest. The Government every year releases her and re-arrests
her for her ongoing hunger strike against the government to repeal the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act, which killed the lives of many people in Manipur as
well as destroyed the peace of people. When she was released on 2 October 2006,
she protested at Jantar Mantar in Delhi and demanded the central government to
withdraw the Armed Forces of Special Powers Act. Many began to extend their
support to her cause. Her demand and continuous resistance awakened the hearts
of many social activists, and people in India.[24] However, the Delhi Police arrested
her for attempting suicide. Sharmila through her letters appealed Mr. Manmogan
Sing, the Prime Minister, and Home Minister Shivaraj Patel to withdraw the
AFSPA from the state of Manipur.
Iranian
human right activist and Nobel laureate Ms. Shirin Ebadi met Sharmila. She
assured that she would present her issue at the United Nations Human Rights
Council. She accused media not giving importance to the struggle of Irom
Sharmila and criticized, “Why aren’t you writing about Sharmila? Help her to
live… If anything happens to her, if she dies, the parliament, courts, armed
forces and the media will be responsible.”[25] People of Manipur who live in all
over the world on the day of World Human Rights protested in front of the
embassy of United Nations. Then United Nations Human Rights Council condemned
the attitude of India on this issue and it asked India to withdraw the AFSPA
from Manipur.
On the
eleventh year of her, fast many political parties supported her cause. A
nationwide agitation and human chain was formed to show their solidarity with
Irom Sharmila and the people of Manipur. Many civil societies staged a 24 hours
fast in a show of solidarity. To honour
her efforts and demand the Amnesty India recognized her as a Prisoner of
Conscience in a press release, in the 2013. From 2011 onwards, the University
of Pune established a scholarship programme in her name to help 39 female
Manipuri students to take degree courses in honour of Irom Sharmila.
The
Human Rights Commission of India urged the Manipur state government to free her
from the prison for keeping her in enforced isolation. Irom Sharmil is clear
that she has never attempted any kind of suicide in her life rather she is
protesting in Gandhian way of non-violence against the Government of India that
has curbed the freedom of Manipuris under the AFSPA, which killed the lives of many.
However, the government sent summon to Sharmila to appear for trial in Delhi on
19 December 2013. She received many
awards and prizes for her promotion and advocacy of peace, democracy and human
rights such as Mayillama Award, the Asian Human Rights Commission Lifetime
achievement, Savara Gunah Samannah.[26]
Along with Irom Sharmila, there is a Movement in Manipur called Meira Paibee,
which worked for the emancipation of women in Manipur and for the human rights
in Manipur. Its contribution to the freedom struggle is commendable.
1.5 Women, the Trend Setter of History
Our
cultural heritage, traditions, and legends venerate women as a significant
module of society and as the equal partner to men in politics, society,
economy, and cultural and ritual practices. We, the people used to effeminize
the Indian ‘nation’ as the mother and the ‘country’ as the motherland. These
kinds of emotional calls many a time outshine the historical realities and we
are not able to identify them as victims of ‘colonial torture and subjection.’
A woman is a mother who gives birth to the present and future generations; and
so it is she who would nourish revolution. She is a sister to be respected and
defended. Prestige, honour, and chastity are her qualities that would fix the standard
of the society. Any damage done to her would equally have an effect on
‘national identity’ or vice versa. On the other hand she is equally held
responsible to defend her father, brother, husband and children from an ‘unjust
war’ by the colonialism. She is no longer to be confined within the four
walls of the traditional world requiring protection from domestic violence.[27] She is open to enter into the
public arena to redirect the future course of this nation towards ultimate
freedom. With these understanding women who have thirst for freedom began to
raise their voices against the oppressive system and colonial powers from the
time of British rule to till now through their resistance movement to seek for
liberation. Whenever the women community built a firm solidarity and took up
all necessary and important responsibilities, in every historical juncture,
they brought big revolutions.[28]
To protect
the democratic rights of Manipuris, particularly the Manipur women of their own
free will grouped themselves into the resistance movement namely Meira Paibee
movement. We could comprehend the present state of political structure, the
militant force, the people’s protests and the use of military force in Manipur
only by reading the Meira Paibee movement.
1.5.1
The Meira Paibee Movement
Accurately
the term ‘Meira Paibee’ means woman “Torch bearer.”[29] The term meira is also infrequently
used to presage initiative, progress, and achievement or to denote a mechanical
means for enlightening darkness. Therefore, a meira paibee means an activist
who is defined as the depository of enlightenment. Her supreme obligation is to
defend and save society from the unjust acts.[30] At first, the Meira Paibee movement
was initiated to save women from the patriarchy society. The lethargic attitude
of the Manipuris in general and their men in particular, their addiction to
alcoholism and various forms of intoxication, domestic violence, gambling, and
depression are the result of the distorted nature of economic development that
keeps Manipuris in utter backwardness. The demoralized men, having few
facilities for earning and recreation are prone to unpleasant feelings and
intoxication. In retaliation, women organized the ‘social sterilization
campaign’ to defend society from total destruction.
One can
understand and analyze the movement only by integrating regional peculiarities
within the constraint of changes and events occurring in different parts of the
world, which have repercussions on these regional peculiarities. Therefore, the
Meira Paibee movement could be understood within a political context. Meira
paibee is no longer treated as a mere congregation of women who bear torches on
their evening marches. They are no longer carefree women who would spend their
nights in shanglen (the huts where they congregate). They are described as who
stand against torture and subjection.[31] The Meira Paibee movement is an
integral part of the national movement that women are revolutionaries and
defenders of the society at crucial historical junctures.
“The
meira paibee movement is particularly aimed at defending the human rights of
the people against the background of gross human rights violations committed by
the Indian security forces. We will stand until we succeed that is the Meira
Paibee’s motto, that all mothers endorse. Whenever bad things happen to our
children we, the Meira Paibees try to save them. We will never quit fighting
till all of Manipuri’s problems are solved.”[32]
In all the movements against torture
and atrocities, the meira paibee has been playing an important role without a
break in the movement to save the people of Manipur. The women’s concern for
honour, prestige, chastity, peace, national identity, and democratic rights
inspired them to be politically active.
The
consequence of army rule in Manipur is the victimization of Manipuri women
through unending sexual harassment by the foreign army. In order to enable them
to live with full dignity and preserve their honour along with the line of
their tradition and culture, their fight against crimes and atrocities
committed by the army, which are occurring in front of everybody’s eyes, is
going on without a break from 14 May 1980 onwards.[33] Circumstances created the inexorableness
of involvement and made it compulsory for each woman to represent her
respective family. Victims of torture and trauma became hard-core activists and
went to the ‘bamboo torch’ as a demonstration of collective strength. They
spent their precious nights in Shanglen (the huts where they congregate) and
defended their honour and pride from the reign of terror.[34] They fight against these kinds of atrocities from
the colonial rule onwards. During British rule, Manipuri women fought against humiliation
to their honour and identity, forced labor, the forced conscription of
Manipuris to fight for imperial wars, social injustice, illegitimate taxation,
economic exploitation, political subjection, and brutal repressions.[35]
It
considers India as the innovation of capitalist enterprise supporting extension
and the conquest of weaker states. Manipur is directly controlled and ruled by
India’s occupation army. Manipur is speciously represented to India by Indian
puppets through bribery and corruption. The anti-intoxication campaign by the
Meira Paibee movement in Manipur against the Indian government is as an
indirect attack against Indian colonialism.
The
birth of the Meira Paibee movement illustrates the shift in the motives of
women from the earlier reform movements. This development is an immediate
response to the military threat by the state. Meira Paibee sees India as an
undemocratic military establishment whose physical presence and extra judicial
repression is bitterly felt by Manipuris. Here I would like to mention some of
the major protests led by the Meira Paibee movement in Manipur.
1.5.2
The Contributions of Meira Paibee Movement
Thockchom Lokendro (of Singjamei Wangma Pebiya
Pandit Leikai in Imphal District) and Kangujam Loken (of Khongman Okram
Chuthek, Canchipur in Imphal District) disappeared forever after they were
arrested at Canchipur on 27 September 1980. Many organizations including the
Meira Paibees put intense pressure on the authorities for their release. The
Meira Paibee groups in the state showed their resentment against the
extra-judicial arrests and a strong agitation was launched to release them.[36]
At 7.50
a.m. on 25 August 1993, Memcha Devi, Khumbongyum Ajou, Mutum Ajit, Pukhrambam
Bihari and Nongthombam Dhakeshor were killed. That incident led to the
formation of a combined front of the women and the youth known as the Joint
Action Committee (JAC). They organized a strong protest movement against
torture and atrocities.[37]
On
3rd May 1996 Ksh. Pravabani Devi of Kwakeithel Haorakchambi Soibam Leikai, a
lower division clerk of the Registration Department, Manipur Government was
killed at her house and her seven-year-old daughter Priyalakshmi was seriously
injured by personnel of the 30th Battalion of the Assam Rifles. The following
day, i.e. 4 May 1996, Meira paibees and Manipuri people carried out a road
blockage between 7 a.m. to 4 p.m. They launched a strong protest movement
against army excesses. The Army charged lathis and burst tear gas shells to
suppress the movement.[38]
1.5.3
The Death of Tangjam Manorama
Assumed rape and murder of a woman
namely Manorama in Manipur by the Assam Rifles Personnel sparked protests against
the security forces. An arrest warrant signed by a Havildar of Assam Rifles was
handed over to her family stating that she was arrested on the suspicion of
being a militant of the People’s Liberation Movement.[39]
No incriminating evidence was found during the search of the house at midnight.
After four days of her arrest, her body was found four kilometer away from
Ngariyan Mapao Maring village in Imphal East district. Her body bore bullet
marks on her genitals that lent confidence to the public that she was brutally
raped before she was shot dead. Her death kindled people’s emotions, which led
to violence in protest against the atrocities committed by the security forces.
Nevertheless, the paramilitary forces claimed that Tangjam Manoram alias
Henthoi was gunned down when she attempted to escape by jumping down from the
vehicle that forces used. The statement also added that during the
investigation she disclosed that she belonged to the People’s liberation Army
(PLA). Let. Gen. Bhupinder Sing, the Director-General of Assam rifles dismissed
all kinds of allegations.
Not a day has passed since that
dramatic and visceral intervention on the morning of July 15th by a
group of women belonging to the Meira Paibee Movement nakedly protested in
front of the Kangal Fort, the headquarters of the Assam Rifles in Manipur and
shouted holding the banner, “Indian Army Rape Us”[40],
which shamed and shook not only the hearts of Indian people but people in all
over the world. Sharmila reacted in agony, “The women wereforced to take the
ultimate step to denounce Manorama’a killing. Their bold action has surely
taught a fitting lesson to the central government.”[41]
“For the first time perhaps, people outside the state saw and recognized the
power of a strong wome;s struggle. The Visual of the anguished women holding
just a banner to counter their nude bodies became a definitive and haunting
image of determination and solidarity.”[42]
Nearly 32 socio-cultural and political organizations involved in the protest,
which was named as “Apunba Lup” (Civil Disobedience Movement). The protest
became more violent when a student leader, and the adviser of the Bishnepur
unit of the Manipur Students Federation, Pebam Chittaranjan immolated himself
on the independence day left a note quoting, “It is better to self immolate
than die at the hands of security forces
under this Act. With this conviction I am marching ahead of the people of human
torch.”[43]
On
seeing the ongoing violent protest, then Chief Minister Ibobi Sing assigned the
Upendra Commission to investigate the issue. The second time post-mortem
examination of the Manorama’s body was conducted by the Dr. Th Manglem along
with two other foresic experts in font the Upendra commission constituted by
the State Government. Dr. Th Manglem reported that because of the injuries in
the lower part of the body no conclusive opinion could be passed on whether
Manorama was raped or not. When the Upendra commission made further
investigation but the Assam Rifles was not ready to cooperate with the
commission stating that it was free from any kind of inquiries under the Armed
Forces Special Powers Act. The response further added fuels to the violent
protest. The Apunba Lup, the Civil Disobedience Movement continued their
agitations against the security forces and demanded for the withdrawal of the
Armed Forces special Powers Act. On
seeing the worst situation in the Manipur state, Ibobi Sing withdrew the
disturbed area status of a 20 square kilometer area falling in seven assembly
segments in Impahl municipal limits, in order to deliver the AFSPA influence
there.[44]
Then Home Minister Shivaraj Patil and Defense Minister Pranab Muhargee offered
to hold unconditional talks with all groups including the militant outfits. The
Government booked agitation leaders under the National Security Act (NSA) when
the groups were not ready to be in favour of Government’s offer. Though the operation of the Act was
eventually withdrawn from the Imphal municipal area, the state police commandos
operating along with paramilitary forces continue killing suspects with
bravado, which has percolated to the state forces too.
The Government remained indifferent
to the indefinite fast by Irom Sharmila but the Government was woken by the
nude protest by a dozen women on July 15 to condemn the alleged rape and
custodial death of 32-year-old Thangjam Manorama by some Assam Rifless
Personnel. The Message is clear and loud. The onslaught must be stopped and
atmosphere must be created to regain public trust. Otherwise, the situation may
lead to the anti-India feeling in Manipur.
Deepti
Priya in her book summarizes and criticizes the AFSPA as, “in the same spirit
as colonial governance, India’s politics empowers its army with a license to
kill.”[45] She further cites the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (1948) which marks a new historical period by
respecting basic human rights and ending the subjugation of smaller and weaker
states by bigger and powerful states. She justifies the liberation movement in
Manipur based on the Vienna Declaration (1993) and observes that Manipuri
people consider conferences and agreements on safeguarding political rights as
the most important. On the ongoing military situation in Manipur Meira Paibee
movement thinks thateven after Manipur is besieged with a huge army at the rate
of one army person per ten Manipuri heads, there is continuing unrestrained
extra-judicial beating and abuse, killings, custodial deaths, disappearances,
sexual harassment, massacring and various forms of atrocities. Terrorism is
redefined and the state is placed on top of the list. India is seen as an
expansionist colonial state, which incorporates and adopts many of the
administrative policies of British colonialism.[46]
Conclusion
People always believed that God
acts as the liberator through human beings because she/he intervenes in the
history to save his/her people from the subjugation. During the time of Jesus,
the people of Palestine were undergoing an immersed trauma thanks to the
colonial and imperial rule by Romans. The corrupted colonial powers worsened
the lives of people as the most oppressed community with landless labourers,
unemployment, poverty, sickness. Those oppressed people expected a Messiah who
would liberate them from all kinds of oppressions such as social oppression,
religious oppression, economic deprivation, and cultural alienation. On seeing,
the oppressed lives of people in Palestine Jesus through his teachings initiated
a renewal movement with the help of his 12 disciples, which is known as Jesus
Movement. The Jesus movement through its kingdom praxis-values taught peoples
radical freedom, sharing, service. Jesus trained his disciples and people to
work for the liberty of oppressed people. He responded with his commitment to
the need of the context. Through his kingdom praxis, he made people realize
that God is the God of poor and God for poor. Following the footsteps of Jesus,
many people in the world work for the liberation of humanity in their own ways.
These prophets rise from ordinary dusty people in society. One among them is
Irom Sharmila. Either though she is not a Christian by birth or by baptism, she
has kingdom values through which she works for the liberty of Manipuris. Her
constant protest against the government of India to repeal the Armed Forces
Special Powers Act from the Northeastern states shows that she is sent by God,
the liberator to be the sign of peace and to seek a new radical liberative
nation through her on going 14 years of nonviolent protest. The government may
be indifferent to her indefinite fast, neglect her demand, and oppress the
people but her indefinite fast and non-violent protest will one day bring
victory to the people of Manipur as Jesus brought a radical change in Palestine
through his Jesus Movement.
By
Amala Gnana Prabhu J.M
Priya Mehrotra, Deepti. Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani. Chennai: New Horizon Media
Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010.
Pugazendhi M.N. Irom
Sharmila. Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu, 2013.
Sivagnanam. Irom
Sharmila. Chennai: Nakkheeran, 2011.
Vaid, Minnie and Sharmila, Irom. Iron Irom: Two Journeys. Delhi: Rajpai,
2012.
Nagainhte, Thangkhanlal.
“Manipur and Its Demands for Internal Autonomy.” In Economic & Political Weekly April 20, 2013, Vol XLVIII No 16. P:
20-21.
[2] Thangkhanlal Nagainhte, “Manipur
and Its Demands for Internal Autonomy,” in Economic
& Political Weekly April 20, 2013, Vol XLVIII No 16, P - 20.
[3] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
38.
[4] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 21.
[5] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 21.
[6]
M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 24.
[7]
M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 27.
[8]
Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
52.
[9] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
52. In addition, the same data has been recorded in M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 34.
[10]
Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
53.
[11] Sivagnanam, Irom Sharmila (Chennai: Nakkheeran, 2011), P- 35.
[12]
Sivagnanam, Irom Sharmila (Chennai: Nakkheeran,
2011), P- 34-44.
[13]
Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
73.
[14]
M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 62-63.
[15] Sivagnanam, Irom Sharmila (Chennai: Nakkheeran, 2011), P- 26-28. In addition
this data has been recorded by M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu, 2013), P- 62-63, and Deepti
Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin
Irumbu Penmani (Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku
Pathippagam, 2010), P- 69-80.
[16] Sivagnanam, Irom Sharmila (Chennai: Nakkheeran, 2011), P- 30.
[17] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
145.
[18] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 18.
[19] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 12.
[20] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 22.
[21] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 27.
[22] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 20.
[23] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 20.
[24] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
116.
[25] Minnie Vaid and Irom Sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P- 12.
[26] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
147.
[27] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir
Veliyedu, 2013), P- 32.
[28] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 34.
[29] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
55.
[30] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
56.
[31] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
56.
[32] Minnie Vaid and Irom sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys
(Delhi: Rajpai, 2012), P- 54.
[33] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
58.
[34] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
59.
[35]
Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
48-51.
[36] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
57.
[37] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 98.
[38] M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 99.
[39] Minnie Vaid and Irom sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P-31.
[40] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
31.
[41] Minnie Vaid and Irom sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P-31.
[42] Minnie Vaid and Irom sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P-32.
[43]
M.N. Pugazendhi, Irom Sharmila (Pollachi: Ethir Veliyedu,
2013), P- 112.
[44] Minnie Vaid and Irom sharmila, Iron Irom: Two Journeys (Delhi: Rajpai,
2012), P-31.
[45] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
77.
[46] Deepti Priya Mehrotra, Irom Sharmila: Manipurin Irumbu Penmani
(Chennai: New Horizon Media Private Limited and Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2010), P-
153.
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